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Pension Newsroom | Pension360 | Page 74
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San Jose, Atlanta Pensions: A Tale of Two Rulings

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Reporter Ed Mendel covered the Capitol in Sacramento for nearly three decades, most recently for the San Diego Union-Tribune. More stories are at Calpensions.com.

Former San Jose Mayor Chuck Reed and current Atlanta Mayor Kasim Reed have more in common than their last names. Both have the same broad pension story. But last week, Atlanta had a very different ending.

With growing pension costs eating into their city budgets, the two men pushed through reforms that could require employees to pay more for their pensions — up to 16 percent of pay more in San Jose, up to 10 percent of pay more in Atlanta.

Both were accused of pension reforms that led to police flight, depleting the force and reducing public safety. The two mayors, both lawyers, said city laws (the charter in San Jose’s case) say that pensions can be changed.

But in both cities, the employees or unions filed lawsuits contending their pension benefits are “vested rights,” protected by contract law, that can only be reduced if offset by a comparable new benefit.

Two years ago a superior court judge ruled the San Jose employee contribution increase violated employee vested rights. The city dropped the appeal this year in a settlement of the lawsuits against Measure B, approved by 69 percent of voters in 2012.

Kasim  Reed

Last week the Georgia Supreme Court ruled the Atlanta employee pension contribution increase, approved by the city council four years ago, did not violate the vested rights of employees.

“Today’s ruling allows one of the most comprehensive and effective examples of pension reform in the United States of America to move forward,” Atlanta Mayor Reed said in a statement.

“Thanks to pension reform, 30 years from now the city will have saved more than $500 million and a pension deficit that was once protected to be over $1.5 billion will be zero,” he said.

For employers trying to cut pension costs, getting employees to pay more for their pensions can be important but difficult.

When the debt or “unfunded liability” soars, as happened after huge pension investment fund losses during the recession, it’s the employer or taxpayers who must pay to close funding gaps, not employees.

Chuck Reed

Employee rates are usually set by labor bargaining. Increases, if any, are relatively small. Some of the biggest come when employers, who agreed in bargaining to pay the employee rate, end the “pension pickup” or “employer paid member contribution.”

An extreme example of how employers pay more than employees is the city of Vallejo. The rate paid by police and firefighters, 9 percent of pay in CalPERS reports, was little changed during a 3½-year bankruptcy that ended in November 2011.

The employer rate, 28.3 percent of pay in 2009, is 57.6 percent of pay this year, and projected to be 72 percent in 2020. In the latest CalPERS report (June 30, 2013), the plan only had 64.6 percent of the projected assets needed to pay future pensions.

The powerful California Public Employees Retirement System, following projections by its actuaries, can raise employer rates. But CalPERS cannot raise the rates paid by employees.

A pension reform Gov. Brown pushed through the Legislature three years ago calls for a 50-50 split between the employer and employee of the “normal” cost, the pension earned during a year excluding the debt from previous years.

But the normal cost tends to be stable and a small part of total cost. In the Vallejo plan, the current normal cost is 18.6 percent of pay. The rate for unfunded debt from past years is twice that amount, 39 percent, bringing the total to 57.6 percent of pay.

Vallejo budget projects slightly higher rates than CalPERS report

The superior court ruling that blocked the San Jose employee contribution increase was based on what is often called the “California rule.”

A series of state court decisions, one in a 1955 Long Beach case, are widely believed to mean that the pension offered on the date of hire becomes a vested right, protected by contract law, that can only be cut if offset by a comparable new benefit.

The California rule was observed last year when the Legislature approved a rate increase for the California State Teachers Retirement System, which unlike CalPERS and other public pension systems has only tightly limited power to raise employer rates.

The teacher rate increase was limited to an amount said to be offset by a new benefit: An annual pension cost-of-living adjustment of 2 percent, a routine practice that could be suspended, was converted to a vested right.

Teachers and school districts had been paying nearly equal rates, 8 and 8.25 percent of pay, respectively. The teacher rate increase is a maximum of 2.25 percent of pay, increasing the rate for most from 8 percent of pay to 10.25 percent of pay.

The rate for school districts and other employers more than doubles, increasing in seven annual steps from 8.25 percent of pay to 19.1 percent of pay by 2020. A separate rate paid by the state, a total of 5.5 percent of pay, increases to 8.8 percent of pay.

Georgia is not among the dozen states that have adopted the California rule, according to Amy Monahan, a University of Minnesota law professor, in “Statutes as Contracts? The ‘California Rule’ and Its Impact on Public Pension Reform.”

The unanimous Georgia Supreme Court ruling cited several supporting rulings in Georgia courts while concluding that pension plans can be changed without violating vested rights, if change is clearly allowed by the pension contract.

The court said all three Atlanta pension plans contain language saying enrollment “shall constitute the irrevocable consent of the applicant to participate under the provisions of this act, as amended, or as may hereafter be amended.”

San Jose pointed to two city charter sections that say the city council has the power and the right to change, or repeal and replace, any of the city’s retirement plans or systems.

Superior Court Judge Patricia Lucas cited several California rule cases, including Allen v. City of Long Beach (1955): “Changes in a pension plan which result in disadvantage to employees should be accompanied by comparable new advantages.”

In the key part of her ruling on the rate increase, Lucas cited a state Supreme Court ruling, Legislature v. Eu (1991), and a footnote in a state appeals court ruling, Walsh v. Board of Administration (1992).

“Accordingly, this court concludes that a reservation of rights does not of itself preclude the creation of vested rights,” Lucas said.

Former San Jose Mayor Chuck Reed and former San Diego Councilman Carl DeMaio are leading a bipartisan group that is trying to put a pension reform initiative on the statewide November ballot next year.

After filing an initiative in June, the group refiled two initiatives last month, quickly amended. They want to avoid a ballot summary from Attorney General Kamala Harris suggesting the vested rights of current workers would be eliminated.

 

Photo by Joe Gratz via Flickr CC License

New Jersey Lawmakers Consider State-Managed IRA for Private Workers

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New Jersey lawmakers are reviewing a bill on Monday that aims to set up a state-managed retirement account for private-sector workers who do not have access to a retirement plan.

The plan – called the New Jersey Secure Choice Savings Program Fund – closely resembled plans set up in other states in recent years, such as California, Maryland and Illinois.

More details from NJ Spotlight:

Under the bill, companies with more than 25 employees would be required to set up an automatic payroll deduction into the retirement plan for employees who wish to participate in it. Companies would not be required to contribute any matching funds.

Businesses with fewer than 25 employees that do not offer a retirement plan would be encouraged to offer the payroll deduction, but would not be required to do so.

A seven-member, volunteer board would be formed to administer the fund. The board would be responsible for designing and implementing the retirement plan, including selecting a trustee, determining appropriate risk management, and hiring staff or entering into contracts for administering the retirement plan.

Private-sector employees would be allowed to pick from a series of investment options and set their own contribution level, with the default being 3 percent of wages. Employees could also opt out altogether, and state employees would not be allowed to participate.

To shield the state from liability, protections would be put in place to ensure all risk would be assumed by any entities the board would contract with to administer the retirement system. Penalties would also be established for any employer that does not facilitate their employees’ enrollment in the retirement plan if the employees don’t elect to opt out.

Employers wouldn’t be forced to match employee contributions.

Read the bill here.

 

Photo by TaxCredits.net

Third Quarter Was Worst in Four Years for North American Pensions: Report

Graph With Stacks Of Coins

North America’s pension funds, endowments and foundations returned a median of -4.53 percent in the 3rd quarter of 2015 – which makes it the worst quarter for the country’s institutional investors in four years, according to a report from Wilshire Trust Universe Comparison Service (TUCS).

From Reuters:

“These plans, virtually all of them … were hurt by diversification” in the global equity space, because typically they add diversity by going to international or smaller U.S. equities, said Robert Waid, managing director at Wilshire Associates.

Both of those equity classes fell dramatically, he said, noting that the MSCI ACWI World ex USA Index shed 12.17 percent, while the Wilshire US Small-Cap Index fell 10.88 percent.

The period also marked the first back-to-back declining quarters since March 31, 2009, when markets were still reeling from 15 months of recession.

“When you’re starting to have comparisons that go back to the financial crisis … it shows that it’s a difficult investment environment,” Waid said.

[…]

Wilshire TUCS, a widely-used benchmark for institutional asset performance, includes performance and asset allocation data from roughly 1,700 plans representing about $3.7 trillion in assets.

Included in the study were public and private pensions, endowments and foundations.

 

Photo by www.SeniorLiving.Org 

Federal myRA Program Launches Nationwide

Pink Piggy Bank On Top Of A Pile Of One Dollar Bills

The myRA program, a retirement savings program announced by Barack Obama in 2014 and developed by the U.S. Treasury, launched nationwide this week.

The program allows participants to save up to $5,500 per year in a no-fee, 401(K)-style retirement account.

More from the LA Times:

The myRA program […] has now launched nationally, the Treasury Department said Wednesday. The myRA is a form of Roth IRA, which allows workers to save their after-tax dollars for retirement. It’s aimed at overcoming some of the obstacles that keep some workers from saving for retirement, especially those who are low-income or who lack retirement benefits: The myRA charges no fees, is low-risk and convenient.

By allowing people to set up automatic contributions, the program is meant to make it easier for people to save, officials said. And contributions can be small, even as little as a few dollars. The accounts have no minimum balance.

People also don’t need to worry about losing money because their savings would be stored in an account where their principal is backed by the U.S. government. The plans will store people’s savings in low-risk investments where the money can grow at a conservative interest rate.

Since last year, the government has been testing the program quietly through a pilot that allowed people to set up automatic deductions from their paychecks. But in the official rollout, the government is also letting people contribute from their checking or savings accounts and even from their tax refunds. Like a regular Roth IRA, workers contribute up to $5,500 a year, or $6,500 a year for people age 50 and up.

Get more info or sign up at myRA.gov.

 

Photo by www.SeniorLiving.Org

Planning To Annuitize Current Retirees? Fifth Circuit Unambiguously Upholds Verizon’s Right To De-Risk

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Carol Buckmann is an attorney who has practiced in the employee benefits field for over 30 years. This post was originally published at Pensions & Benefits Law.

Sometimes you appreciate confirmation that actions – you always thought were permissible – continue to be viable options.  We have just received confirmation from the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit that the long-standing practice of de-risking by purchasing annuities from insurance companies remains permissible.

In 2012, Verizon decided to annuitize the benefits of current retirees by purchasing annuities from Prudential.  A group of those retirees attempted  to stop the transaction from going forward, and when that failed, proceeded to attempt to undo the transaction on the grounds that it involved fiduciary breaches and violated various provisions of ERISA.

The plaintiffs lost repeatedly at the district court level, which ruled that they had no causes of action, but they kept coming back.  Remaining participants in the plans were even added as another potential class of plaintiffs to challenge the impact of the purchase on the ongoing plan.  Readers of this blog know that I have predicted that the plaintiffs would likely lose because their claims were inconsistent with existing interpretations of ERISA.  In an unpublished opinion, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit  agreed, upholding the district court’s dismissal of all of the claims of both groups of plaintiffs after de novo review.

The court made the following rulings in rejecting the plaintiffs’ claims:

  • The decision to annuitize was not a fiduciary act.  The court cited longstanding authority going back to the common law of trusts that the decision to purchase annuities was a settlor, not a fiduciary activity.
  • The possibility of annuitization was not required to be disclosed in the summary plan description (SPD).   The court  concluded that ERISA does not require advance disclosure of  events which are contingent on a plan amendment, and noted that the possibility of plan amendment had been clearly disclosed.  The plaintiffs also claimed that annuitization was required to be disclosed because it was an event reducing or resulting in loss of their benefits, but the court found no basis for concluding that a loss of PBGC insurance was a reduction in benefits.  (Nonetheless, it may be a good practice to include notice that annuity contracts may be distributed in satisfaction of benefit obligations in an SPD.)
  • Participant consent was not required for annuitization of their benefits.  There was no precedent for requiring consent.
  • Section 510 of ERISA, which prohibits discrimination against participants for asserting protected rights, was not violated merely because the plaintiffs did not have rights to continued plan participation, ERISA coverage or PBGC insurance.
  • Paying $1 billion in fees and expenses as part of  the $8.4 -billion annuitization was not a fiduciary breach.  The plaintiffs did not plead with any specificity as to why the amount was unreasonable, and the court would not assume that the total fees were unreasonable solely from the amount.
  • It was not imprudent to purchase one group annuity contract from Prudential rather than from multiple insurers.
  • Current participants had no standing to challenge the transaction.  Because there are no individual accounts in a defined benefit plan and the plan sponsor must make trust losses, they suffered no current harm.  They could not bring suit as a quasi-representative of the plan

It should be noted that Verizon did not make lump sum offers to the retirees, a practice which the Internal Revenue Service has announced will no longer be permitted, and that issue was not before the court.

Hopefully, this decision is final and will end whatever legal uncertainty had surrounded annuitization under current law, though unpublished opinions are technically not precedent.  While no appeals court  has ruled that employers do not have the  right to annuitize benefits,  as I stated in a recent post, new controls on de-risking practices are under consideration, and the possibility of future changes in the law should be part of the decision tree for employers considering de-risking.

Graphic: Who Pays For a CalPERS Pension?

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How is a CalPERS pension funded? The nation’s largest pension fund released this intriguing graphic (above) last month showing the fund’s sources of income.

An explanatory blurb from CalPERS:

The CalPERS Pension Buck illustrates the sources of income that fund public employee pensions. Pension fund income over the last 20 years (as of June 2015) shows that every dollar spent on public employee pensions comes from 65 cents of investment earnings, 22 cents from employers and 13 cents from employees.

Pensions are jointly funded by employer and employee contributions, which are invested so that pension fund dollars grow over time. Workers currently contribute up to 15.25 percent of their paycheck to help fund their own pensions.

CalPERS pension payments generate nearly $31 billion of economic activity per year in California, supporting almost 105,000 jobs and generating more than $716 million in sales and property tax revenue every year.

See the press release here.

 

Source: CalPERS

Update: Alaska Officials Consider $3 Billion Pension Obligation Bond Issuance

alaska map

Pension360 wrote last month that a few top Alaska officials were studying the possibility of issuing $3 billion in pension obligation bonds.

In Alaska’s case, issuing this round of bonds will come easy because the issuance gained legislative approval way back in 2008. The bonds were never issued however, as the stock market crash sunk the plan.

Here’s an update on the proceedings from Bloomberg:

Prompted by Governor Bill Walker, Alaska is looking into the possibility of a $1.6 billion general obligation pension bond, [debt manager at the Alaska Department of Revenue Deven] Mitchell said. “It appears that this interest rate environment provides an opportunity for us to get in on the leveraging side at a low rate,” Mitchell said. “We’re thinking it’s not a bad time to consider this alternative.”

This time around, Governor Walker has asked Mitchell to pick up from where they left off in 2008 and see if the economics still make sense. Mitchell said the deal will be ready to come to market if Governor Walker gives the green light. Because of the work done in 2008, the governor won’t need legislative approval to issue the potential bonds.

[…]

If Alaska goes through with its deal, this year’s total pension obligation bonds issues will be more than $3 billion, almost ten times last year’s supply, according to data compiled by Bloomberg.

Mitchell said he’s framing Alaska’s potential deal to mimic Kansas’s. So far Mitchell has arranged an underwriting syndicate and put together a “shell” of a preliminary offering statement.

The risks of POB’s are well known by now: for the state to “win” the deal, investment returns need to beat the interest rate on the bonds over the duration of the bond’s life. If that doesn’t happen, the state is compounding its financial issues.

 

Photo credit: “Flag map of Alaska” by 2002_Winter_Olympics_torch_relay_route.svg: User:Mangoman88, using Blank_US_Map.svg by User:Theshibboleth – 2002_Winter_Olympics_torch_relay_route.svgFlag_of_Alaska.svg. Licensed under Public Domain via Wikimedia Commons

Private Pension Fix By Congress Could Backfire?

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Leo Kolivakis is a blogger, trader and independent senior pension and investment analyst. This post was originally published at Pension Pulse.

John W. Schoen of CNBC reports, Pension ‘fix’ by Congress could backfire:

The latest effort by Congress to save your pension may be putting it further at risk.

Tucked away in last week’s bipartisan budget deal was a provision to sharply raise the premiums on a government-run fund to backstop private pension funds that go bust. With the fund falling deeper in the red, the higher premiums charged to companies offering traditional defined benefit pensions are intended to help put the Pension Benefit Guaranty Corp. back on a solid financial footing.

But critics say the higher premiums — set to rise from $57 per covered worker this year to $78 in 2019 — could prompt even more companies to freeze or close out their traditional defined benefit pensions that pay retirees a guaranteed monthly check for life.

“The premium increase is just another unnecessary burden on employers who sponsor defined benefit plans, giving them more reasons to consider exit strategies,” said Annette Guarisco Fildes, president of the ERISA Industry Committee, which advocates for large companies that offer pensions.

Long before premiums began rising, companies that offer defined benefit pensions plans had been moving to freeze them (fixing participants’ retirement benefits no matter how much longer they work) or closing them to new workers.

A survey released earlier this year by benefits consultant Aon Hewitt of nearly 250 employers representing 6 million employees found that, of the roughly three-quarters who still offer a defined benefit plan, a third were closing them and another third had frozen them.

Of the companies with plans that remained open, 14 percent of companies said they were “very likely” to close them this year, 9 percent said they were “very likely” to freeze them and 5 percent said there were very likely to terminate them. (Companies terminating plans typically offer participant a lump sum payout to replace the monthly defined benefit income.)

The trend continues a decade-long decline in defined benefit plans in favor of defined contribution plans like 401(k) retirement plans. That historic shift has been cited by some retirement researchers as a major reason for the deficit in retirement savings estimated by the Employee Benefits Research Institute at more than $4 trillion for U.S. households in which the breadwinner is between ages 25 and 64.

Companies that still offer their workers defined pension benefits are facing their own funding shortfall, with too little money set aside in pension assets to cover the cost of paying current and future retiree benefits.

Both public and private pension funds were hit hard by the 2008 financial crisis, which wiped out trillions of dollars in investments that were used to pay retiree benefits. Since then, low interest rates have cut returns and increased the amount of money needed to generate enough income to write monthly checks to retirees.

Underfunded pensions, of course, represent the biggest potential liability for the Pension Benefit Guaranty Corp., which steps in when a pension fund can no longer cover what it owes its participants. Many of the biggest shortfalls have hit older companies with declining profits and large pools of older workers and retirees. Of the 10 biggest pension takeovers by the agency in the last four decades, five were plans offered by airlines and four were pension plans for steel companies.

Since 2000, the cost of backstopping failed pension plans has overtaken the money set aside to cover that cost, leaving the corporation with a deficit of more than $60 billion. Without the higher premiums, agency officials say, the fund will run eventually out of money.

Estimating when that might happen is not easy, especially given the move by pension plan sponsors to reduce their liabilities by closing or freezing plans. A lot also depends on how quickly companies move to shore up pensions that are underfunded.

Since the Great Recession ended, and the economy and stock market have recovered, many private plans have gained ground and raised funding levels. But they still face a multi-billion-dollar gap.

The defined benefit plans offered by 100 large companies tracked by benefits consultant Milliman face a $366 billion pension funding shortfall, based on the latest data available. On average, they’ve set aside less than 82 cents for every dollar in obligations to current and future retirees.

The recently enacted budget also includes a higher tax penalty for underfunded pensions, starting in 2017.

Those single employer sponsors, who manage pension assets for workers of only one company, are in much better shape than so-called multi-employer plans, which cover workers from more than company.

About a quarter of the roughly 40 million workers who participate in a traditional defined benefit plan are covered by these multi-employer plans, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics.

Those plans, which typically cover smaller companies and unions, face an even tougher set of financial challenges than larger plans that can spread risk over a bigger pool of workers. Declining union enrollments, for example, mean there are fewer active workers to cover the cost of paying retirees, many of whom are living longer than was expected when these plans were established.

Multi-employer plans also face an added burden of their shared pension liabilities. When one company in the plan fails to keep up with contributions, for example, the burden on the other members increases. In the last four years, the Department of Labor has notified workers in more than 675 of these plans that their plans are in “critical or endangered status.”

I recently covered Teamsters’ pension fund, stating multi-employer plans are withering away and it’s all part of a much bigger problem. The article above is excellent and provides a great overview of what’s wrong with Congress’s latest pension fix and why so many American defined-benefit plans are closing or on the verge of closing.

First, as I discussed in the quiet Screwing of America, the latest effort by Congress to “fix” pensions will backfire spectacularly and pretty much ensure more pension poverty in the world’s most powerful nation. When it comes to pensions, there is no justice in America.

Second, companies are increasingly shifting retirement risk onto employees by closing DB plans and shifting new or existing employees to DC plans, or looking to offload pension obligations to some insurance company which will gladly de-risk a DB plan for a nice fee and then offer annuities to employees.

While offloading pension risk makes sense, I agree with those who argue that de-risking pension sponsors may end up with a bad case of buyer’s remorse:

[…] the knee-jerk move by many plan sponsors to offload their pension risks may be a little hasty. While there may be a natural inclination to want to rid themselves of their pension obligations as soon as financially possible, now may not necessarily be the best time to do it.

Mark Firman, a pension lawyer with McCarthy Tetrault, notes that by buying up annuities, some firms may be trading in one type of risk for two others — what he refers to as reputation risk and regret risk. 

The idea, says Mr. Firman, is that companies — particularly those in booming sectors like energy — who purchase annuities as a first step toward winding down their defined-benefit pensions, may find they are harming their image as progressive employers among current and prospective talent, labour bargaining units and socially conscious institutional investors. That’s the reputation risk. For those who prefer cold, hard numbers to less definitive, warm and fuzzy aspects of business management, the regret risk will likely have deeper resonance.

Purchasing an annuity today when interest rates are low means getting an insurance company to buy a greater liability and to do so for a higher fee. That higher fee goes toward protecting the insurance company not only from the longevity risk it’s buying but also the likely risk of future interest rate hikes.

“If and when interest rates rise down the road, not only will the liabilities become scaled back but if you did want to de-risk at that point, the annuities will be cheaper,” says Mr. Firman. “Employers who are de-risking today may find out that they may miss out on the opportunity for substantial pension surpluses, which is a situation that we were more used to seeing in the 1990s than we’re seeing today.”

However, unlike the 1990s, pension legislation (in Canada) now allows plan sponsors greater access to those surpluses, which could be used for myriad business-development initiatives and investments.

The good news is there may be a happy medium for plan sponsors who are looking to de-risk in the short term but not necessarily with the intent to wind down their plans entirely or imminently.

According to the Towers Watson data, of the $2.2-billion in annuities purchased in 2013, $850-million was made up of what the consulting firm refers to as “buy-in” transactions. While very similar to the more traditional “buy out” annuities, buy-ins vary on a number of important levels, not least of which is a reversal clause that allows plan sponsors to countermand the transaction down the road — for a fee, of course.

Towers Watson recently closed a buy-in deal worth approximately $500-million — perhaps the largest single annuity transaction in Canadian history — but the plan sponsor preferred to remain anonymous. A similar, $150-million dollar deal was finalized between Sun Life Financial Inc. and the Canadian Wheat Board last year.

David Burke, Canadian retirement leader for Towers Watson, says his practice has been trying to steer pension sponsors away from de-risking and toward what he refers to as “right-risking” — a more sophisticated strategy that takes into account each individual sponsor’s solvency and liability scenarios, their future intentions with respect to the lifespan of the plan and prospective market conditions – to better gauge if, when and how they should limit pension-related risks.

“I’m going to be very curious to see what plan sponsors do in the next few years assuming the funding status is 100%,” says Mr. Burke. “My guess is some are going to get out … and some might say I’m going to … take my risk in a different way but I’m not going to de-risk.”

His comments are echoed by Mr. Forestell, who believes basic annuity buy-outs will quickly evolve into more complex transactions. “What I expect to see in the next year or year and a half is more creative deals in how to do the annuities,” he says.

In the interim, the movement to de-risk is likely to intensify and understandably so given the nail biting that has taken place in recent years. The pity is there will likely be more than a few sponsors stricken with buyer’s remorse a decade from now. Then again, by that point the idea of a defined-benefit pension may very well be an abstract and quasi-historical concept in the private sector.

Of course, insurance companies will tell you now is the right time to de-risk your DB plan and companies struggling with their pension costs are doing the rational thing by offloading future pension obligations onto them.

The problem here isn’t with companies, which are acting very rationally, it’s with the national retirement policy. In my opinion, pensions should be mandatory and managed by well governed public pension funds and backed by the full faith and credit of the federal government. We should also introduce the shared-risk model to make sure these public pensions remain solvent no matter what economic environment awaits them in the future.

This is why I’ve long argued for enhancing the Canada Pension Plan to introduce real change to Canada’s retirement system and argued the United States needs to enhance Social Security for millions of Americans that are falling through the cracks. Of course, to do this properly, the U.S. needs to adopt and improve on Canada’s pension governance and get independent, qualified investment boards to supervise its sprawling public pensions.

Remember, my view is that there is no end to the deflation supercycle and that deflation will decimate all pensions, especially corporate plans that are not chasing a rate-of-return fantasy and are using market rates (not rosy investment assumptions) to discount their future liabilities.

This is why now is the time to introduce real change to the retirement policies of advanced nations and treat pensions like we treat health care and education. In my opinion, a vibrant democracy has three pillars: solid public health care, education and pensions. All three contribute to the economy in important ways but faced critics only focus on the costs, not the benefits of defined-benefit plans.

It’s important to educate people on the the huge advantages of well-governed defined-benefit (DB) plans. These include pooling investment risk, longevity risk, and significantly lowering costs by bringing public and private investments and absolute return strategies internally to be managed by well compensated pension fund managers who are also able to invest with the very best external managers as they see fit, making sure alignment of interests are there. DB plans also offer huge benefits to the overall economy, ones that will bolster the economy in tough times and reduce long-term debt.

In short, there shouldn’t be four, five or more views on DB vs DC plans. The sooner policymakers accept the brutal truth on DC plans, the better off hard working people and the better off advanced economies struggling with global deflation will be.

I end this comment by referring you to a recent comment my friend Brian Romanchuk published on his blog, Pensions And Public Policy: The Golden Era. I will let you read his comment but he concludes by stating this:

The success of the early post-war public and private pensions were the result of them being aligned with the political environment of the time. There is little political consensus on many important contemporary issues, and so pensions represent just another area of policy incoherence. This incoherence means that it is unclear what reforms would be seen as successful. I hope to discuss such reforms in later articles.

I agree with Brian, there’s way too much policy incoherence on pensions and other important economic topics. In my view, any paradigm shift in macroeconomics has to incorporate a coherent view which convincingly argues for bolstering well-governed public defined-benefit pensions recognizing the long-term benefits this will have on growth and reducing debt.

Former media executive Mel Karmazin said Wednesday he’s no longer invested in the stock market, and that he’s basically in cash. Karmazin also discussed the buyback bubble which is  the real bubble the Fed is fueling.

In fact, I couldn’t resist to comment on Paul Krugman’s last piece, The Conspiracy Consensus, stating the following:

The Fed doesn’t care about about Republicans or Democrats, only about big banks and their elite hedge fund and private equity clients. Interestingly, while the Fed needed to lower rates and engage in QE to prevent another Great Depression, ZIRP and QE ended up exacerbating inequality via several channels. First, companies were incentivized to borrow big and repurchase shares to pad the bloated compensation of their top brass. Second, U.S. public pensions were forced to take on more risk investing in hedge funds and private equity funds to make their 8% pension rate-of-return fantasy. Lastly, historical low rates punish savers and reward financial speculators as people who need to rely on a fixed income can’t invest in fixed income assets that yield enough.

This is why I’ve long argued that U.S. Social Security needs to move the way the Canada Pension Plan has moved which has assets managed by the Canada Pension Plan Investment Board, a national pension fund which directly invests in public and private markets and is supervised by a qualified, independent investment board. But first you need to get the governance right and unfortunately, the U.S. will never get the governance right because there are too many powerful interests milking public pension funds dry. All this to say, there is a conspiracy which is going on at the Fed but it has nothing to do with what the Republicans or Democrats are claiming.

Also, at one point on Wednesday morning on CNBC, Karmazin discussed how he agonized cutting defined-benefit plans for employees under 55 years old, knowing full well that it penalized employees but he needed to do it to save one of the companies he was managing.

The truth is if America went Dutch on pensions, CEOs wouldn’t have to agonize over such decisions and employees can have peace of mind that even if their company went under, they’ll be able to retire in dignity and security. In fact, going Dutch/ Canadian on pensions is the only pension fix that won’t backfire and pay off in the very long-run.

 

Photo by Sarath Kuchi via Flickr CC License

Poland’s Pension Asset Shift Upheld By Top Court

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Pension360 reported this week on the imminent court decision coming on Poland’s 2014 pension overhaul, which shifted the assets of private pension plans to the state.

On Wednesday, the country’s high court weighed in, and upheld the legality of the reform.

From Reuters:

The decision means that Poland will not face a significant rise in public debt, as some had feared, especially lawmakers in the Law and Justice (PiS) party which won a parliamentary election last month and is now forming a new government.

The pension reforms introduced by the previous centre-right government in 2014 shifted assets from the privately owned pension funds to the state balance sheet. The move reduced Polish public debt by about 8 percent of gross domestic product GDP, giving Warsaw greater scope to borrow and spend.

The transfer moved 153 billion zlotys ($39.34 billion) of bonds from the funds to the state-run Social Security Office (ZUS), effectively halving the value of assets managed by the private funds.

[…]

The Tribunal confirmed on Wednesday that most aspects of the reform were legal, including the asset transfer to ZUS and a ban on bond investments imposed on the private pension funds.

The reforms were advantageous for the Polish government from a public debt standpoint; but the shift had repercussions – including the Warsaw Stock Exchange’s main index losing 10 percent of its value since the reforms.

 

Photo by Joe Gratz via Flickr CC License

Matt Bevin Wins Kentucky Governorship; Here’s His Stance on Public Pensions

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Republican Matt Bevin won the Kentucky governorship on Tuesday, and one of the most pressing issues he’ll face is his state’s pension funding crisis.

State workers were watching this election closely, because the candidates had significantly different views on retirement policy.

What can they expect now that Bevin sits behind the Governor’s desk?

Here’s Bevin’s official pension platform, straight from his own website:

Our plan will fix our public retirement system while ensuring that we meet the existing obligations we have made to retired state workers. This starts with instituting an immediate freeze on the expansion of participants in our current pension plans and implementing a 401(k) style defined contribution plan for new employees.

That’s a stark difference from Democratic candidate Jack Conway, who preferred to leave the state’s defined-benefit system intact.

In this clip, below, Bevin further discusses his views on the state’s pension crisis:

Finally, a nice summary of Bevin’s stances from WFPL, which notes Bevin’s aversion to pension obligation bonds:

Neither of the major party candidates for governor support plans to issue bonds to shore up the pension funds. Issuing a $3.3 billion bond was the favorite solution of state Democrats last year, but a bill authorizing the bond past the state House but was blocked by the Senate.

Republican candidate Matt Bevin’s pension plan calls for putting new state employees on a 401K-style defined contribution plan and having current state employees make increased pension contributions.

The plan is aimed at decreasing the systems’ liability to future pension-holders by moving their retirement savings into quasi-independent accounts.

[…]

Bevin wants to give existing employees the option to transfer to the 401K plan.

 

“Ky With HP Background” by Original uploader was HiB2Bornot2B at en.wikipedia – Transferred from en.wikipedia; transfer was stated to be made by User:Vini 175.. Licensed under CC BY-SA 2.5 via Wikimedia Commons


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